Kristen Soltis Anderson Quotes
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In the 2012 election, the polls that had made Mitt Romney so confident that he was going to win were his own internal polls, based on models that failed to accurately estimate voter turnout. But the public polls, especially statewide polls, painted a fairly accurate picture of how the electoral college might go.
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Obamacare itself did not become popular until the middle of 2017, when the risk of repeal was the greatest; for the bulk of 2010 after passage, it was unpopular by double-digit margins.
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After the 2012 election, 'independent' becomes the popular choice among new young voters and stays that way with the exception of a brief spike around the 2016 Democratic primary fight.
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If there is one issue where one could justifiably assume that Republicans are all in agreement, it is on lowering taxes.
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Trump won 44.4 percent of votes in Virginia in 2016. At press time, Ed Gillespie had won 45 percent of the vote in 2017.
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The things that frustrate one piece of Trump's coalition often endear him to or embolden another wing of the coalition.
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Candidates, of course, often claim that they want to run 'a purely positive campaign,' but this rarely materializes.
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Millennials are not deeply familiar with school choice, and have some reservations, especially about the types of institutions that a student might choose to attend with taxpayer dollars.
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When polled on Donald Trump's agenda, though pluralities of young people oppose his policies on immigration and healthcare, there is one issue where Trump's position wins outright majority support, even among young Democrats: trade.
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Obama's numbers fell by a slightly larger amount over his first few months because he enjoyed much more support right at the start from Republicans, support that eroded quickly.
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For federal races, being able to carefully navigate the Trump Era is a significant challenge.
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With Trump assuming the role of America's CEO, it may be chaos rather than callousness that threatens to harm his standing with the American voters who are giving him a chance.
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Either people are changing their minds about Trump, or increasing numbers of his supporters are deciding it is too embarrassing to admit they support him. Neither is a particularly good position to be in.
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Donald Trump, having spent decades in the public eye as an entertainer, may not understand what the nuclear triad is, or what America's 'first use' nuclear policy is, or why starting a trade war would be a disaster. But he does understand storytelling, the power of a clear narrative, and the importance of stirring emotion.
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'Trump is a mean man' is a message that Democrats used time and time and time again in the 2016 race. Airwaves were filled with reminders that Trump has insulted just about everyone.
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Major realigning events can reshape coalitions and change how large groups of people view politics, policy, and the parties.
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As a member of the oldest slice of the Millennial generation, my teenage years spanned the late 1990s through the start of the new millennium. I spent that time watching a lot of MTV's 'Total Request Live', 'Dawson's Creek', and wearing out a dual VHS tape of 'Titanic'.
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The idea that someone, somewhere will campaign in a positive, uplifting way on an agenda that can inspire Americans? I'm sadly done holding my breath.
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Not all change and disruption succeeds, to be sure.
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Breaking dramatically with Bush-era Republican orthodoxy, Trump ran on a message of 'America First' and of avoiding spending blood and treasure on adventures overseas.
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In 2012, when Mitt Romney named Russia as our greatest geopolitical foe, Democrats scoffed and accused Republicans of trying to ignite a new Cold War.
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Even when we're not talking about Trump, we're talking about Trump.
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The reality is that the Republican Party may have unified government but is not unified enough on many major signature policy areas.
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True small-c conservatives should fight at every turn to preserve basic standards of conduct and institutions that have served our nation well.