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Our pleasures were simple - they included survival.
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Humility must always be the portion of any man who receives acclaim earned in the blood of his followers and the sacrifices of his friends.
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If the United Nations once admits that international disputes can be settled by using force, then we will have destroyed the foundation of the organization and our best hope of establishing a world order.
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There is no glory in battle worth the blood it costs.
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The history of free men is never really written by chance but by choice; their choice!
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I have found out in later years that we were very poor, but the glory of America is that we didn't know it then.
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The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored.
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Farming looks mighty easy when your plow is a pencil and you're a thousand miles from the corn field.
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Our forces saved the remnants of the Jewish people of Europe for a new life and a new hope in the reborn land of Israel. Along with all men of good will, I salute the young state and wish it well.
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These proposals spring, without ulterior motive or political passion, from our calm conviction that the hunger for peace is in the hearts of all people - those of Russia and of China no less than of our own country. They conform to our firm faith that God created man to enjoy, not destroy, the fruits of the earth and of their own toil.
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To blend, without coercion, the individual good and the common good is the essence of citizenship in a free country.
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If men can develop weapons that are so terrifying as to make the thought of global war include almost a sentence for suicide, you would think that man's intelligence and his comprehension... would include also his ability to find a peaceful solution.
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I share the sense of shock and dismay that the entire nation must feel at the despicable act that took the life of the nation's president. On the personal side, Mrs. Eisenhower and I share the grief that Mrs. Kennedy must now feel. We send to her our prayerful thoughts and sympathetic sentiments in this hour.
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I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.
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There are a number of things wrong with Washington. One of them is that everyone is too far from home.
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Don't think you are going to conceal thoughts by concealing evidence that they ever existed.
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All the historic precedents, the soaring graphs, the staggering statistics-these measure size more than substance. And the largeness and greatness of our nation would be almost a mockery-without a matching greatness of heart and largeness of vision as we look out upon the world.
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The problem in defense is how far you can go without destroying from within what you are trying to defend from without.
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We seek peace, knowing that peace is the climate of freedom.
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There is no victory at bargain basement prices.
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A nation's hope of lasting peace cannot be firmly based upon any race in armaments but rather upon just relations and honest understanding with all other nations.
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This desk of mine is one at which a man may die, but from which he cannot resign.
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The United States strongly seeks a lasting agreement for the discontinuance of nuclear weapons tests. We believe that this would be an important step toward reduction of international tensions and would open the way to further agreement on substantial measures of disarmament.
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I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new-one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.