John F. Kennedy Quotes
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I think 'Hail to the Chief' has a nice ring to it.
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There are those who regard this history of past strife and exile as better forgotten. But, to use the phrase of Yeats, let us not casually reduce 'that great past to a trouble of fools.' For we need not feel the bitterness of the past to discover its meaning for the present and the future.
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Domestic policy can only defeat us; foreign policy can kill us.
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Our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's future. And we are all mortal.
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Modern cynics and skeptics... see no harm in paying those to whom they entrust the minds of their children a smaller wage than is paid to those to whom they entrust the care of their plumbing.
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When power leads man toward arrogance, poetry reminds him of his limitations. When power narrows the area of man's concern, poetry reminds him of the richness and diversity of existence. When power corrupts, poetry cleanses.
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There is danger that totalitarian governments, not subject to vigorous popular debate, will underestimate the will and unity of democratic societies where vital interests are concerned.
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Let us not seek the Republican answer or the Democratic answer, but the right answer. Let us not seek to fix the blame for the past. Let us accept our own responsibility for the future.
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We have become more and more not a nation of athletes but a nation of spectators.
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The tax on capital gains directly affects investment decisions, the mobility and flow of risk capital... the ease or difficulty experienced by new ventures in obtaining capital, and thereby the strength and potential for growth in the economy.
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Things do not happen. Things are made to happen.
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For we seek not the worldwide victory of one nation or system but a worldwide victory of man. The modern globe is too small, its weapons are too destructive, and its disorders are too contagious to permit any other kind of victory.
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Today we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It ought to be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops.
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In a time of domestic crisis, men of goodwill and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics.
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I believe in an America where the free enterprise system flourishes for all other systems to see and admire - where no businessman lacks either competition or credit - and where no monopoly, no racketeer, no government bureaucracy can put him out of business that he built up with his own initiative.
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If more politicians knew poetry, and more poets knew politics, I am convinced the world would be a little better place in which to live.
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The scholar, the teacher, the intellectual, have a higher duty than any of the others, for society has trained you to think as well as do.
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The greater our knowledge increases the more our ignorance unfolds.
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For the unity of freedom has never relied on uniformity of opinion.
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The great revolution in the history of man, past, present and future, is the revolution of those determined to be free.
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And as Americans know from our history on our own old frontier, gun battles are caused by outlaws, and not by officers of the peace.
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Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo - and today there can be no status quo.
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The deadly arms race, and the huge resources it absorbs, have too long overshadowed all else we must do. We must prevent that arms race from spreading to new nations, to new nuclear powers and to the reaches of outer space.
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The courage of life is often a less dramatic spectacle than the courage of a final moment; but it is no less a magnificent mixture of triumph and tragedy.