Benjamin Wittes Quotes
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I don't doubt that there are many presidential acts that would constitute obstructions of justice if anyone but the president engaged in them but which constitute legitimate exercises of presidential power when the president engages in them.
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Secret courts require great faith that the Justice Department - and future Justice Departments - will act with integrity.
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I've got no problem with drone strikes.
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In 1999 and 2000, when I was a young editorial writer at the 'Post', the 'Post' won the public service medal two years running.
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The notion of law enforcement as professional, not political, began developing as an aspiration and an ethos even while, in practice, the FBI was the personal fiefdom of J. Edgar Hoover.
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While I oppose the death penalty as a policy matter, in a legal culture in which we reserve the right to execute people for relatively routine street crimes, it seems quite absurd for the justice system to get squeamish about executing the operational masterminds of Sept. 11.
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You cannot denude the presidency of the substance and power of its office. It can't be done.
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I'm an unabashed apologist for strong national-security authority. That's why I might be more alarmed by Trump.
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If the 'enemy combatant' cases of Padilla and Hamdi present a clash between liberty and security, each side champions one while giving short shrift to the other.
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Back when the natural sciences, philosophy, and theology were one great intellectual hodgepodge, proving the existence of God was a relatively commonplace exercise. To the modern mind, however, science and religion talk past each other.
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Drosnin's 'The Bible Code' would hardly be worth mentioning were it not such a smash hit.
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President Obama's decision not to go to Congress for help in establishing reasonable standards for the continued detention of Guantanamo detainees is a failure of leadership in the project of putting American law on a sound basis for a long-term confrontation with terrorism. It is bad for the country, for national security, and for civil liberties.
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A generation of women has grown up thinking of reproductive freedom as a constitutional right, and the Court should not casually take away rights that it has determined the Constitution guarantees.
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As a general matter, if the president wants to withdraw from a treaty, he simply gets to do that. And that's part of the powers of the office.
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I'm positively enthusiastic about American surveillance policies.
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You know, you don't get to survive that long without making some compromises.
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For those who support same-sex marriage - and I support it without reservation - the ideal of equality and the belief in the dignity of same-sex relationships necessarily makes the issue seem a great deal like the civil-rights struggles of the past.
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Once upon a time, science, philosophy, and theology were disciplines largely undifferentiated from one another, and proving the existence of God was a fairly commonplace intellectual exercise. But as the scientific method became increasingly refined, particularly through the nineteenth century, science and religion grew apart.
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The idea that the president doesn't interfere in law-enforcement investigative matters is one of our deep normative expectations of the modern presidency. But it is not a matter of law. Legally, if the president of the United States wants to direct the specific conduct of investigations, that is his constitutional prerogative.
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Reasonable people can disagree about the authorities the NSA should have, when it's appropriate for the CIA to use drone strikes, and how assertive U.S. foreign policy and intelligence should be.
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There's all kinds of crazy right-wing conspiracies about me.
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In a way I never did with George W. Bush or Barack Obama or Bill Clinton, I will write about the actions of the Trump presidency with the working assumption that our nation must be protected both by and from the president.
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I understand that a lot of people who use phrases like resistance have found my work valuable. But my job is to look at difficult problems of national security in ways that may be useful to policymakers and the public.
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Government lawyers, like private ones, face the problem routinely of aiding in the defense and development of positions in whose correctness they don't believe.