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I think before 1997 is over, NATO will have taken giant strides in what's called adaptation, the discussions about bringing the French fully into the NATO forces.
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I've got many close friends, but there's an awful lot about friendship that is not demonstrative in my case.
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My father was a small-town banker. He became very ill when I was 10 years old, and we went to California three years later in an attempt to recover his health, which never happened.
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We have a human rights interest. Then there is the immigration problem. The human-rights violations have caused people to take to boats and flood not only the United States, but other countries in the region, creating great instability.
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We've worked with President Yeltsin. He is the President of the country. He's been a reformer. We've been able to accomplish a number of things together.
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I'm very much in favor of focused responsibility, and so in the main areas that I'm worried about, I try to have a single person who is basically the key person in that area.
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It's very important to always put things in their historical contexts. It teaches important lessons about the country in question.
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I think there is a good deal of promise in those discussions as well. I think there is a range of matters that might be discussed between NATO and Russia that can provide a mechanism for talking through these issues, a way to give reassurance on these issues.
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I'm very skeptical about the good intentions of Milosevic.
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You know, it's been President Clinton's dream that we'll have finally a fully integrated Europe; and the steps that NATO will take to expand to the East, that's a commitment.
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The United States has done more for the war crimes tribunal than any other country in the world. We're turning over all the information we have, including intelligence information.