Zbigniew Brzezinski Quotes
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The financial catastrophe of 2008 nearly precipitated a calamitous economic depression, jolting America and much of the West into a sudden recognition of their systemic vulnerability to unregulated greed.
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Commitment and credibility go hand in hand.
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World War II and the ensuing Cold War compelled the United States to develop a sustained commitment to Western Europe and the Far East.
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Democrats should insist that a pluralistic democracy such as ours rely on bipartisanship in formulating a foreign policy based on moderation and the nuances of the human condition.
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A president who aspires to be recognized as a global leader should not personally stake out a foreign-policy goal, commit himself eloquently to its attainment, and then yield the ground when confronted by firm opposition.
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I don't approve of the notion that we should be announcing who should step down from the position of a head of a state unless we are seriously prepared to remove that person. But if we are not, if we are being prudent and careful, then let's also be careful with how we talk.
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The Soviet Union's termination, which brought to an end the bipolar world, ushered in an era of U.S. hegemony. Hegemony, however, should not be confused with omnipotence. Hegemony is not omnipotence but is certainly preponderance.
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The Chinese are really good at diplomacy - and even at making their interlocutors feel very uncomfortable.
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Economically, we are, to some significant degree, interdependent with Chinese well-being. That is a great asset.
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Given the accelerating velocity of history, we should begin charting deliberately the next phase in its trajectory.
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I think it is important to ask ourselves as citizens, not as Democrats attacking the administration, but as citizens, whether a world power can really provide global leadership on the basis of fear and anxiety?
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I draw a very clear distinction between populism and democracy.
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The public has been told repeatedly that terrorism is 'evil,' which it undoubtedly is, and that 'evildoers' are responsible for it, which doubtless they are. But beyond these justifiable condemnations, there is a historical void.
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America's victory in the Cold War was not without painful social costs.
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War triggers unforeseeable military dynamics and sets off massive political shocks, creating new problems as well as new opportunities.
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It is said that the West had a global policy in regard to Islam. That is stupid. There isn't a global Islam.
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If we can deter the Soviet Union, if we can deter North Korea, why on earth can't we deter Iran?
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The Cold War did end in the victory of one side and in the defeat of the other. This reality cannot be denied, despite the understandable sensitivities that such a conclusion provokes among the tenderhearted in the West and some of the former leaders of the defeated side.
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We didn't push the Russians to intervene, but we knowingly increased the probability that they would.
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Look at Islam in a rational manner and without demagoguery or emotion. It is the leading religion of the world with 1.5 billion followers.
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The problem with the Iranian regime, of course is, one, its unsettling effects on the Sunnis, particularly Saudi Arabia, and, secondly, its potential threat to Israel.
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Both World War II and the subsequent Cold War gave America's involvement in world affairs a clear focus. The objectives of foreign policy were relatively easy to define, and they could be imbued with high moral content.
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The security link between us and Europe is very important for European security but also for our security.
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We should seek to cooperate with Europe, not to divide Europe to a fictitious new and a fictitious old.