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I don't wish to go down to posterity talking bad grammar.
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You cannot choose between party government and Parliamentary government. I say, you can have no Parliamentary government if you have no party government; and, therefore, when Gentlemen denounce party government, they strike at that scheme of government which, in my opinion, has made this country great, and which I hope will keep it great.
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Protection is not a principle, but an expedient.
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Yes! I know what I have to face. I have to face a coalition. The combination may be successful. A coalition has before this been successful. But coalitions, although successful, have always found this, that their triumph has been brief. This too I know, that England does not love coalitions.
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I will sit down now, but the time will come when you will hear me.
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Never take anything for granted.
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Without publicity there can be no public spirit, and without public spirit every nation must decay.
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That is an apology, not an explanation; and apologies only account for that which they do not alter.
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I am a Conservative to preserve all that is good in our constitution, a Radical to remove all that is bad. I seek to preserve property and to respect order, and I equally decry the appeal to the passions of the many or the prejudices of the few
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Ignorance never settles a question.
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Bradlaugh makes the most noise, but the Irish Evictions Bill is much the most serious thing. ... If the Eviction Act passes, there will not be many more seasons. It is a revolutionary age and the chances are, that even you and I may live to see the final extinction of the great London Season, which was the wonder and admiration of our youth.
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We have brought a peace, and we trust we have brought a peace with honour, and I trust that that will now be followed by the prosperity of the country.
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It is knowledge that influences and equalises the social condition of man; that gives to all, however different their political position, passions which are in common, and enjoyments which are universal.
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This is to be observed of the Bishop of London, that, though apparently of a spirit somewhat austere, there is in his idiosyncrasy a strange fund of enthusiasm, a quality which ought never to be possessed by an Archbishop of Canterbury, or a Prime Minister of England [
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That is the fourth course, which in future I trust the right hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) will not forget. The right hon. Gentleman tells us to go back to precedents; with him a great measure is always founded on a small precedent. He traces the steam-engine always back to the tea-kettle. His precedents are generally tea-kettle precedents.
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Nobody is forgotten, when it is convenient to remember him.
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There can be no economy where there is no efficiency.
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He is so vain that he wants to figure in history as the settler of all the great questions; but a Parliamentary constitution is not favorable to such ambitions; things must be done by parties, not by persons using parties as tools.
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My objection to Liberalism is this—that it is the introduction into the practical business of life of the highest kind—namely, politics—of philosophical ideas instead of political principles.
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The health of the people is really the foundation upon which all their happiness and all their powers as a state depend.
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Increased means and increased leisure are the two civilizers of man.
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The harebrained chatter of irresponsible frivolity.
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I remember-the interruption of the hon. Gentleman reminds me of the words of a great writer, who said that 'Grace was beauty in action.' 'Sir, I say that justice is truth in action. Truth should animate an opposition, and I hope it does animate this opposition.;
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But he has left us the legacy of heroes—the memory of his great name, and the inspiration of his great example.