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I should therefore prefer to restrict my guidelines to the following:
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The spirit of the South Atlantic was the spirit of Britain at her best. It has been said that we surprised the world, that British patriotism was rediscovered in those spring days. Mr. President, it was never really lost.
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I must be absolutely clear about this. Britain cannot accept the present situation on the Budget. It is demonstrably unjust. It is politically indefensible: I cannot play Sister Bountiful to the Community while my own electorate are being asked to forego improvements in the fields of health, education, welfare and the rest.
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Those who use this countries great tradition of freedom of speech should not seek to deny that same freedom to others, especially to those who, like Mr Powell, spent their war years in distinguished service in the Forces.
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I'm the world's greatest fan of your President Ronald Reagan, as you know. I think he's done terrific things and I think that in his recent speech, the keynote that he struck, that America is a confident leader of the free world, is the right one and I'm absolutely delighted at the way in which confidence had returned to the United States.
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Our sovereignty does not come from Brussels-it is ours by right and by heritage.
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You will quite often hear people say: 'Well look, she is the best man in politics,' and I say: 'Oh no, much better than that; she is the best woman.'
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The main contribution one can make as a student to one's country in peace or wartime is to study hard and effectively.
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North Korea desperately needed the foreign currency which this lethal trade could bring; its role as chief 'rogue' reinforced its prestige among anti-Western states, near and far; and it could also hope at the right moment to extort new instalments of Danegeld from America and her allies.
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The habit of ubiquitous interventionism, combining pinprick strikes by precision weapons with pious invocations of high principle, would lead us into endless difficulties. Interventions must be limited in number and overwhelming in their impact.
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Socialist governments traditionally do make a financial mess. They always run out of other people's money. It's quite a characteristic of them.
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We shall have to learn again to be one nation, or one day we shall be no nation.
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If a Tory does not believe that private property is one of the main bulwarks of individual freedom, then he had better become a socialist and have done with it.
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I have made it quite clear – and so did Mr Prior when he was Secretary of State for Northern Ireland – that a unified Ireland was one solution. That is out. A second solution was confederation of two states. That is out. A third solution was joint authority. That is out. That is a derogation from sovereignty.
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They are all a rotten lot. Schmidt and the Americans and we are the only people who would do any standing up and fighting if necessary.
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This is what we believe.
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The United States has no socialist party, or no socialist party has been in power. That is the reason why it has always been the country of last resort for every currency.
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I don't think there will be a woman Prime Minister in my lifetime.
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I like Mr. Gorbachev. We can do business together.
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All corporatism – even when practised in societies where hard work, enterprise and cooperation are as highly valued as in Korea – encourages inflexibility, discourages individual accountability, and risks magnifying errors by concealing them.
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I sometimes think the Labour Party is like a pub where the mild is running out. If someone doesn't do something soon, all that's left will be bitter. (Laughter). And all that's bitter will be Left.
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Patched-up diplomatic solutions designed to answer the needs of the moment rarely last, and as they unravel they can actually make things worse.
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I believe in the British lion and I believe that the British character is lion-hearted, and I believe that it has not been lion-hearted in some of the post-War period, and I want it to get back to being lion hearted.
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Marxism has had it.