Bill Kristol Quotes
Romney has to convince the American public that they need to do something they're not usually inclined to do - replace a sitting president with a challenger. And unlike in 1980 and 1992, when the public was persuaded to do just that, the incumbent president has not been weakened by a primary opponent.

Quotes to Explore
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If you make a film too American, it won't travel. It will have no life outside of its own country.
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If we do not provide education for every single American, we are consigning those without an education to second-class status.
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To be honest, it's easier for me to speak with an American accent.
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The South resented giving the Afro-American his freedom, the ballot box and the Civil Rights Law.
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Frank Capra, Hollywood's Horatio Alger, lights with more cinematic know-how and zeal than any other director to convince movie audiences that American life is exactly like the 'Saturday Evening Post' covers of Norman Rockwell. 'It's A Wonderful Life,' the latest example of Capracorn, shows his art at a hysterical pitch.
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If you are attempting to study American history, and you don't understand the force of white supremacy, you fundamentally misunderstand America.
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Nobody ever went broke underestimating the taste of the American public.
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There was no United States before slavery. I am sure somebody can make some sort of argument about modern French identity and slavery and North Africa, but there simply is no American history before black people.
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One reason the United States is one of three countries in the world that do not have any form of paid maternity leave is that many American business leaders, like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, oppose any family-friendly policies. They scare people into thinking maternity leave will be a job killer.
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I guess when I first started speaking with an American accent, there's a tendency to create a caricature of the accent because you just exaggerate the pieces that stand out to you.
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Radical thought has inspired many of the great political and social reform movements in American history, from ending slavery to establishing the minimum wage.
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I would say I'm pretty much the exact same as the stereotypical American kid. I mean I'm really lazy, I play a lot of video games, I like girls. I like, you know, the violence and action type thing.
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In committing an estimated 3,000 U.S. forces to join international Ebola relief efforts in West Africa, President Obama seems to be fulfilling the plans of highly influential progressive groups who seek to transform the American military into more of a social-work organization.
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Despite a certain amount of rhetoric, such as 'the second American Revolution,' there is a fair consensus about which events in the affairs of a people can rightly be called revolutions. It is also clear that such revolutions are proper objects of study for the historian.
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My Native American heritage was not embraced by our family, and we grew up African-American, so I didn't have a lot of access or history to that line of my family.
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I am not really brand-conscious; I pick out clothes that appeal to me regardless of the label, but I consider my style very American.
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And a tiny number of people in a few states make these decisions, and we're left with these options that are increasingly not attractive to the American people.
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I'm actually an equestrian, and I showed in the American Paint Horse Association and competed for top 20 in the nation.
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Immigration is as much about the American experience and the values we share, and a lot more about economics than it is about politics.
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'Divergent' was my utopian world. I mean, that wasn't the plan. I never even set out to write dystopian fiction, that's just what I had when I was finished. At the beginning, I was just writing about a place I found interesting and a character with a compelling story, and as I began to build the world, I realized that it was my utopia.
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As for me, I consider myself as a speck of the dust of the devotee's feet.
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I'm really not techno-savvy - that's just not my personality.
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I cannot believe how much love people have shown me.
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Romney has to convince the American public that they need to do something they're not usually inclined to do - replace a sitting president with a challenger. And unlike in 1980 and 1992, when the public was persuaded to do just that, the incumbent president has not been weakened by a primary opponent.